Selamat Natal Menurut Al-Qur'an

Dr M. Quraish Shihab

Sakit perut menjelang persalinan, memaksa Maryam
bersandar ke pohon kurma. Ingin rasanya beliau
mati, bahkan tidak pernah hidup sama sekali.
Tetapi Malaikat Jibril datang menghibur: "Ada anak
sungai di bawahmu, goyanghan pangkal pohon kurma
ke arahmu, makan, minum dan senangkan hatimu.
Kalau ada yang datang katakan: 'Aku bernazar tidak
bicara.'"

"Hai Maryam, engkau melakukan yang amat buruk.
Ayahmu bukan penjahat, ibumu pun bukan penzina,"
demikian kecaman kaumnya, ketika melihat bayi di
gendongannya. Tetapi Maryam terdiam. Beliau hanya
menunjuk bayinya. Dan ketika itu bercakaplah sang
bayi menjelaskan jati dirinya sebagai hamba Allah
yang diberi Al-Kitab, shalat, berzakat serta
mengabdi kepada ibunya. Kemudian sang bayi berdoa:
"Salam sejahtera (semoga) dilimpahkan kepadaku
pada hari kelahiranku, hari wafatku, dan pada hari
ketika aku dibangkitkan hidup kembali."

Itu cuplikan kisah Natal dari Al-Quran Surah Maryam ayat 34.
Dengan demikian, Al-Quran mengabadikan dan merestui ucapan
selamat Natal pertama dari dan untuk Nabi mulia itu, Isa
a.s.

Terlarangkah mengucapkan salam semacam itu? Bukankah
Al-Quran telah memberikan contoh? Bukankah ada juga salam
yang tertuju kepada Nuh, Ibrahim, Musa, Harun, keluarga
Ilyas, serta para nabi lainnya? Setiap Muslim harus percaya
kepada Isa a.s. seperti penjelasan ayat di atas, juga harus
percaya kepada Muhammad saw., karena keduanya adalah hamba
dan utusan Allah. Kita mohonkan curahan shalawat dan salam
untuk mereka berdua sebagaimana kita mohonkan untuk seluruh
nabi dan rasul. Tidak bolehkah kita merayakan hari lahir
(Natal) Isa a.s.? Bukankah Nabi saw. juga merayakan hari
keselamatan Musa a.s. dari gangguan Fir'aun dengan berpuasa
'Asyura, seraya bersabda, "Kita lebih wajar merayakannya
daripada orang Yahudi pengikut Musa a.s."

Bukankah, "Para Nabi bersaudara hanya ibunya yang berbeda?"
seperti disabdakan Nabi Muhammad saw.? Bukankah seluruh umat
bersaudara? Apa salahnya kita bergembira dan menyambut
kegembiraan saudara kita dalam batas kemampuan kita, atau
batas yang digariskan oleh anutan kita? Demikian lebih
kurang pandangan satu pendapat.

Banyak persoalan yang berkaitan dengan kehidupan Al-Masih
yang dijelaskan oleh sejarah atau agama dan telah
disepakati, sehingga harus diterima. Tetapi, ada juga yang
tidak dibenarkan atau diperselisihkan. Disini, kita berhenti
untuk merujuk kepercayaan kita.

Isa a.s. datang mermbawa kasih, "Kasihilah seterumu dan
doakan yang menganiayamu." Muhammad saw. datang membawa
rahmat, "Rahmatilah yang di dunia, niscaya yang di langit
merahmatimu." Manusia adalah fokus ajaran keduanya; karena
itu, keduanya bangga dengan kemanusiaan.

Isa menunjuk dirinya sebagai "anak manusia," sedangkan
Muhammad saw. diperintah:kan oleh Allah untuk berkata: "Aku
manusia seperti kamu." Keduanya datang membebaskan manusia
dari kemiskinan ruhani, kebodohan, dan belenggu penindasan.
Ketika orang-orang mengira bahwa anak Jailrus yang sakit
telah mati, Al-Masih yang menyembuhkannya meluruskan
kekeliruan mereka dengan berkata, "Dia tidak mati, tetapi
tidur." Dan ketika terjadi gerhana pada hari wafatnya putra
Muhammad, orang berkata: "Matahari mengalami gerhana karena
kematiannya." Muhammad saw. lalu menegur, "Matahari tidak
mengalami gerhana karena kematian atau kehahiran seorang."
Keduanya datang membebaskan maanusia baik yang kecil, lemah
dan tertindas -dhu'afa' dan al-mustadh'affin dalam istilah
Al-Quran.

Bukankah ini satu dari sekian titik temu antara Muhammad dan
Al-Masih? Bukankah ini sebagian dari kandungan Kalimat Sawa'
(Kata Sepakat) yang ditawarkan Al-Quran kepada penganut
Kristen (dan Yahudi (QS 3:64)? Kalau demikian, apa salahnya
mengucapkan selamat Natal, selama akidah masih dapat
dipelihara dan selama ucapan itu sejalan dengan apa yang
dimaksud oleh Al-Quran sendiri yang telah mengabadikan
selamat Natal itu?

Itulah antara lain alasan yang membenarkan seorang Muslim
mengucapkan selamat atau menghadiri upacara Natal yang bukan
ritual . Di sisi lain, marilah kita menggunakan kacamata
yang melarangnya.

Agama, sebelum negara, menuntut agar kerukunan umat
dipelihara. Karenanya salah, bahkan dosa, bila kerukunan
dikorbankan atas nama agama. Tetapi, juga salah serta dosa
pula, bila kesucian akidah ternodai oleh atau atas nama
kerukunan.

Teks keagamaan yang berkaitan dengan akidah sangat jelas,
dan tidak juga rinci. Itu semula untuk menghindari kerancuan
dan kesalahpahaman. Bahkan Al-Q!uran tidak menggunakan satu
kata yang mungkin dapat menimbulkan kesalahpahaman, sampai
dapat terjamin bahwa kata atau kalimat itu, tidak
disalahpahami. Kata "Allah," misalnya, tidak digunakan oleh
Al-Quran, ketika pengertian semantiknya yang dipahami
masyarakat jahiliah belum sesuai dengan yang dikehendaki
Islam. Kata yang digunakan sebagai ganti ketika itu adalah
Rabbuka (Tuhanmu, hai Muhammad) Demikian terlihat pada
wahlyu pertama hingga surah Al-Ikhlas. Nabi saw. sering
menguji pemahaman umat tentang Tuhan. Beliau tidak sekalipun
bertanya, "Dimana Tuhan?" Tertolak riwayat sang menggunakan
redaksi itu karena ia menimbulkan kesan keberadaan Tuhan
pada satu tempat, hal yang mustahil bagi-Nya dan mustahil
pula diucapkan oleh Nabi. Dengan alasan serupa, para ulama
bangsa kita enggan menggunakan kata "ada" bagi Tuhan,
tetapi "wujud Tuhan."

Natalan, walaupun berkaitan dengan Isa Al-Masih, manusia
agung lagi suci itu, namun ia dirayakan oleh umat Kristen
yang pandangannya terhadap Al-Masih berbeda dengan pandangan
Islam. Nah, mengucapkan "Selamat Natal" atau menghadiri
perayaannya dapat menimbulkan kesalahpahaman dan dapat
mengantar kepada pengaburan akidah. Ini dapat dipahami
sebagai pengakuan akan ketuhanan Al-Masih, satu keyakinan
yang secara mutlak bertentangan dengan akidah Islam. Dengan
kacamata itu, lahir larangan dan fatwa haram itu,
sampai-sampai ada yang beranggapan jangankan ucapan selamat,
aktivitas apa pun yang berkaitan dengan Natal tidak
dibenarkan, sampai pada jual beli untuk keperluann Natal.

Adakah kacamata lain? Mungkin!

Seperti terlihat, larangan ini muncul dalam rangka upaya
memelihara akidah. Karena, kekhawatiran kerancuan pemahaman,
agaknya lebih banyak ditujukan kepada mereka yang
dikhawatirkan kabur akidahnya. Nah, kalau demikian, jika ada
seseorang yang ketika mengucapkannya tetap murni akidahnya
atau mengucapkannya sesuai dengan kandungan "Selamat
Natal" Qurani, kemudian mempertimbangkan kondisi dan
situasi dimana hal itu diucapkan, sehingga tidak menimbulkan
kerancuan akidah baik bagi dirinya ataupun Muslim yang lain,
maka agaknya tidak beralasan adanya larangan itu. Adakah
yang berwewenang melarang seorang membaca atau mengucapkan
dan menghayati satu ayat Al-Quran?

Dalam rangka interaksi sosial dan keharmonisan hubungan,
Al-Quran memperkenalkan satu bentuk redaksi, dimana lawan
bicara memahaminya sesuai dengan pandangan atau
keyakinannya, tetapi bukan seperti yang dimaksud oleh
pengucapnya. Karena, si pengucap sendiri mengucapkan dan
memahami redaksi itu sesuai dengan pandangan dan
keyakinannya. Salah satu contoh yang dikemukakan adalah
ayat-ayat yang tercantum dalam QS 34:24-25. Kalaupun
non-Muslim memahami ucapan "Selamat Natal" sesuai dengan
keyakinannya, maka biarlah demikian, karena Muslim yang
memahami akidahnya akan mengucapkannya sesuai dengan garis
keyakinannya. Memang, kearifan dibutuhkan dalam rangka
interaksi sosial.

Tidak kelirulah, dalam kacamata ini, fatwa dan larangan itu,
bila ia ditujukan kepada mereka yang dikhawatirkan ternodai
akidahnya. Tetapi, tidak juga salah mereka yang
membolehkannya, selama pengucapnya bersikap arif bijaksana
dan tetap terpelihara akidahnya, lebih-lebih jika hal
tersebut merupakan tuntunan keharmonisan hubungan.

Dostojeivsky (1821-1881), pengarang Rusia kenamaan, pernah
berimajinasi tentang kedatangan kembali Al-Masih. Sebagian
umat Islam pun percaya akan kedatangannya kembali. Terlepas
dari penilaian terhadap imajinasi dan kepercayaan itu, kita
dapat memastikan bahwa jika benar beliau datang, seluruh
umat berkewajiban menyambut dan mendukungnya, dan pada saat
kehadirannya itu pasti banyak hal yang akan beliau luruskan.
Bukan saja sikap dan ucapan umatnya, tetapi juga sikap dan
ucapan umat Muhammad saw. Salam sejahtera semoga tercurah
kepada beliau, pada hari Natalnya, hari wafat dan hari
kebangkitannya nanti.



MEMBUMIKAN AL-QURAN
Fungsi dan Peran Wahyu dalam Kehidupan Masyarakat
Dr. M. Quraish Shihab

Ku Li on Reinventing and Liberalising Malaysia's Economy

Revisiting the middle income trap

I would like to revisit the argument of that speech to develop it further.

We are stagnating. The signs of a low growth economy are all around us. Wages are stagnant and the cost of living is rising.

We have not made much progress in becoming a knowledge and services based economy.

According to the World Bank, Malaysia’s share of GDP contributed by services was 46.2% in 1987. Ten years later, that share had grown by a mere 0.2%
Between 1994 and 2007, real wages grew by 2.6% in the domestic sector and by 2.8% in the export sector, which is to say, they were flat over that thirteen year period.

Meanwhile our talent scenario is an example of perverse selection at its most ruinous. We are failing to retain our own young talent, people like yourselves, let alone attract international talent to relocate here, while we have had a massive influx of unskilled foreign labour. They now make up 30-40% of our workforce. Meanwhile, alone in East Asia, the number of expatriate professionals here has decreased. Alone in East Asia, private sector wage increases follow government sector increases, instead of the other way around. We are losing doctors and scientists and have become Southeast Asia’s haven for low cost labour.

I said that we are in a middle income trap, stuck in the pattern of easy growth from low-value-added manufacture and component assembly and unable to make the leap to a knowledge-intensive economy. Regional competitors with larger, cheaper and dare I say, hungrier labour forces have emerged. China and India have risen as both lower cost and higher technology producers, and with giant domestic markets.The manufacturing sector which propelled the growth we enjoyed in the nineties is being hollowed out. There is no going back, there is no staying where we are, and we do not have a map for the way forward.

I am glad that the characterisation of Malaysia as being in a ‘middle-income-trap’ has been taken up by the government, and that the need for an economic story, or strategy, for Malaysia is now recognized. We stand in particular need of such a model because we are a smallish economy. We cannot be good at everything, and we don’t have to be.

We need only make some reasonable bets in identifying and developing a focussed set of growth drivers. It is not difficult to see what the elements of such a growth strategy might be. Whatever we come up with should build on our natural strengths, and our strengths include the following:

We are located at the crossroads of Asia, geographically and culturally, sitting alongside the most important oil route in the world.

a) We have large muslim, Chinese and Indian populations that connect us to the three fastest growing places in the world today.

b) We have some of the largest and oldest rainforests in the world, a treasure house of bio-diversity when the greatest threat facing mankind as a whole now is ecological destruction and the greatest technological advances are likely to come from bioscience.

c) We have the English language, a common law system, parliamentary democracy, good schools, an independent civil service and good infrastructure.

These advantages, however, are declining ones. Our cultural diversity is in danger of coming apart in bigotry, our rainforests are being logged out and planted over, our social and political institutions are decaying.

I have spoken at length on different occasions about the causes and consequences of institutional decline. The decline in our society and indeed in our natural environment, originates in a decline in our basic institutions. The link between these is corruption. The destruction of our ecosystem for example, is made possible by corrupt officials and business-people. The uncontrolled influx of unskilled labour is a direct result of corruption.

Dependencies and the young

These are problems we need to be aware of before we speak glibly about coming up with new strategies and new economic models. We need to understand where we are, and how we have gone wrong, before we can set things right.

You are young, well educated Malaysians. Many among you have left for other shores. Record numbers of Malaysians, of all races, work abroad or have migrated. Among these are some of our best people. They sense the stagnation I described. There is a certain lack of energy, ingenuity and “hunger” in the climate of this country that young people are most sensitive to. In the globalized job market, young people instinctively leave the less simulating and creative environments for those that have a spark to them.

How did we lose our spark as a nation?

We have a political economy marked by dependence on easy options and easy wealth. Like personal dependencies, these bad habits provide temporary comfort but discourage the growth of creativity and resilience.

I mentioned our dependence on low cost foreign labour.

The other dependence is something I played a part in making possible. This is a story I want to leave you with to ponder in your deliberations today.

Blessing and curse

Our nation is blessed with a modest quantity of oil reserves. As a young nation coming to terms with this natural bounty in the early 1970’s, our primary thought was to conserve that oil. That is why, when Petronas was formed, we instituted the Petroleum Development Council. Its function was to advise the PM on how to conserve that oil and use it judicially for national development. We knew our reserves would not last long.

We saw our oil reserves as an unearned bounty that would provide the money for modernization and technology. We saw our oil within a developmental perspective. Our struggle then, was to make the leap from an economy based on commodities and low cost assembly and manufacture to a more diverse, economy based on high income jobs.

Aware that we had an insufficient tax base to make the capital investments needed to make the leap, we planned to apply oil royalties to what you would call today strategic investments in human capital. whatever money left after making cash payments, allocations for development funds, etc, was to be placed in a Heritage Fund for the future. The Heritage Fund was for education and social enrichment.

In working out the distribution of oil between the states, who had sovereign rights over it, and the Federal government, we were guided by concerns for equity between all Malaysians, a concern to develop the poorer states (who also happened to be the oil rich states) and a concern for inter-generational equity. That oil was for special development purposes and it was not just meant for our generation.

Sabah and Sarawak joined Malaya to form Malaysia because of the promise of development funds. Yet today, despite being their massive resources, they are some of our poorest states.

Instead of being our ace up the sleeve, however, our oil wealth became in effect a swag of money used to fund the government’s operational expenditure, to bail out failing companies, buy arms, build grandiose cities in the middle of nowehere. Instead of helping eradicate poverty in the poorest states, our oil wealth came to be channeled into our political and politically linked class. Instead of being the patrimony of all Malaysians, and for our children, it is used as a giant slush fund that has propped up authoritarian rule, eroded constitutional democracy and corrupted our entire political and business class.

Our oil receipts, instead of being applied in the manner we planned upon the formation of Petronas, that is, according to its original developmental purpose, became a fund for the whims and fancy of whoever ran the country, without any accountability.

The oil that was meant to spur our transition to a more humane, educated society has instead become a narcotic that provides economic quick fixes and hollow symbols such as the Petronas Towers. Our oil wealth was meant to help us foster Malaysians capable of building the Twin Towers than hire foreigners to build them, a practice in which we preceded Dubai. I would rather have good government than grand government buildings filled with a demoralized civil service.

It is no wonder that we are no longer productive, no longer using our ingenuity to devise ways to improve ourselves and leap forward.

Malaysia is now an “oil curse” country.**

When I started Petronas in 1974, I did not realize I would see the day when I would wish we had not uncovered such bounty.

The story I have told is a reminder of the scale of the challenge of development. My generation of young people faced this challenge in the 1960’s and 70’s. You face it now. The story tells us that development is about far more than picking strategies out of a box.

You have kindly invited me to address a seminar on strategies for reinventing and liberalizing Malaysia’s economy. But the story of our squandered oil wealth reminds us that it was not for want of resources or strategies that we floundered. Our failure has been political and moral. We have allowed greed and resentment to drive our politics and looked the other way or even gone along while public assets have been stolen in broad daylight.

I encourage you to take up the cause of national development with the ingenuity that earlier generations of Malaysians brought to this task, but the beginning of our journey must be a return to the basics of public life: the rule of law, honesty, truth-telling and the keeping of promises.

The Malaysia we need to recover is one that was founded on laws and led with integrity. With the hindsight of history we know such things are fragile and can be overturned in one generation, forgotten the next. Without a living foundation in the basics you might sense an air of unreality around our talk of reinventing ourselves, coming up with a new economic model, and liberalizing our economy.

So before we can reinvent ourselves we need to recover our nation. That larger community, bound by laws, democratic and constitutional, is the context of economic progress, it is the context in which young people find hope, think generous thoughts and create tomorrow.

–

*Opening speech at

THE 1ST YOUNG CORPORATE MALAYSIANS SUMMIT

“Reinventing and liberalising malaysia’s economy:strategy and directions”

Saturday, December 12, 2009

Dr Asri's Interview in NST

His arrest by the Selangor Religious Affairs Department (Jais) last month brought Dr Mohd Asri Zainul Abidin more recognition that his two-year stint as Perlis mufti. SHUHADA ELIS talks to the preacher at his family home in Bukit Mertajam about the incident and his views on politics and the Kelantan menteri besar's doa for the prime minister.

Q: More than a month has passed since you were arrested by the Selangor Religious Affairs Department (Jais) for allegedly promoting the Wahhabi doctrine to supporters. How are you coping? How did it impact your life?

A: Alhamdulillah, this is not a question of cari makan, but when my friends and I aim to preach Islam, we prepare ourselves for the worst of possibilities and challenges. So when I was arrested, I could still smile and joke with reporters. This is not new for me. Preaching Islam is not something I do to gain profit, but this incident had actually promoted my messages of dakwah more than the time when I was a mufti. My two years (of Islamic propagation) in Perlis was not as great, nor as free, a publicity which Jais has given me.

Q: Did you expect to receive such a big wave of support?

A: I am grateful to Allah. Previously, I had many letters, e-mails, people in the street and art groups expressing support for me but I did not know whether they were sincere. But since the incident, I am thankful to them. Also to Prime Minister (Datuk Seri Najib Razak), (former prime minister) Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, academicians like Prof Dr Chandra Muzaffar and Dr Farish A. Noor, Pas spiritual leader (Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat), (Parti Keadilan Rakyat de facto leader) Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, members of parliament including Barisan Nasional backbenchers.

Q: What makes people think you promote Wahhabism?

A: Wahhabi has different connotations. In the West it refers to terrorism, but in the history of Malaya and Indonesia, modernists were accused of being Wahhabis.

Many modernist figures who helped bring independence to Malaya were accused of this. To them (the accusers), Wahhabi had negative connotation, although they did not know what it means.

Nowadays in Malaysia, Wahhabi is used by conservatives or some religious bodies to label those who do not conform. They think I am not of the same teaching. A modernist. But now the groups who are accusing me speak like they are Ahli Sunnah Wal Jamaah, although before this they belonged to a cult whose beliefs include banning education for their children.

They believed television was haram, so they threw TV sets into the river. But now these groups are in the media, sporting beard and robes, and accusing those who are against them as Wahhabis.

Q: Are you serious about joining politics?

A: Perhaps this issue has made political parties think I should be with them, because my name has been frequently mentioned in the media. Or maybe they think I should join politics because some of the characteristics I have can help bring mileage to their political career. But I think I should not do that (join politics), as long as I can still preach.

Q: Do you think the invitation by political parties is made for their own interests?

A: Maybe they see it that way. They may also feel it is better for me to join them because I am always very vocal in the media. Some parties think my approach can attract youngsters and the non-Muslims and can generate support from the grassroots.

Q: How would you like to see the future political environment in the country?

A: I dream of politics free of party fanatics, a generation that is not loyal to any particular party. I dream of a future where Malaysians hold to discipline, facts and figures, society which evaluates debates and arguments so no political parties will be in power.

The rakyat will always be sensitive to political parties so the latter will not place any Tom, Dick and Harry as candidates. I dream of the rakyat who are colour blind in politics.

If we reach a stage where people choose qualified individuals rather than a party, we will be a mature country. Right now we can see all political parties share the same kind of problems -- cronyism and corruption are rampant.

Q: Do you think the rakyat can be too fanatical about political parties?

A: I see the level of fanaticism is decreasing since the past two years as many similar issues have cropped up in most parties.

Nowadays even the Pas spiritual adviser is criticised by his people. The same goes for Anwar Ibrahim or Umno leaders. I am not asking the supporters to criticise their leaders, but I want them to be rational in every matter.

The rakyat need to realise that political parties are going through a great transformation and they are no longer immune.

Q: What do you think of Nik Aziz's doa against the prime minister if the latter refuses to give oil royalty to Kelantan?

A: This is the problem with religious figures. Those who are pro-Umno claim it is absolutely wrong to pray for another's destruction, while the pro-opposition said it can be done.

This is not right. If we are totally against such doa, it contradicts the hadith, as Prophet Muhammad's companions too had prayed for those who were cruel. However, what we need to ponder is whether the other person fulfils the characteristic of a cruel person?

So if one wants to make a doa, he should not mention the name of the other person clearly and it must come with conditions.

For example, "O Allah, if such and such person is cruel against me, please punish him."

We cannot simply say that this person is cruel and therefore should be punished. I am worried that his cruelty is not evident.

I don't want to take sides but I advise those who want to make such doa to be accurate in their words.

On the other hand, the Federal Government should also look in depth into the oil royalty issue so the rakyat will respect them more, it is not a wasteful effort.

And for ulamas who take this opportunity to ingratiate themselves with political parties, I advise them to give fair arguments and not just defend a particular party because it has given you many awards before.

Q: How do you think the next general election will be?

A: In the 12th general election, a third force had created a wave of support and had determined the outcome.

But some political parties are reality blind. They thought they won the votes because the rakyat liked them and were loyal to them when the truth is the people, especially the younger generation, were tired of the ruling party.

So if these parties still do not realise that they need to buck up, I believe there will be a huge change in the next election. This is because someone who voted for Pas before may not be from Pas, he may be a drunkard or someone who skipped prayers, but he voted the party because he wanted an alternative.

Q: You mentioned about the third party, who are they?

A: Some groups of people do not believe in any political party. The third party is not a new political party, I'm not asking anybody to form new parties.

But what I am saying is that those with fresh ideas will get support from the people. The rakyat will not look at a particular party but they need leaders who are clean, trustworthy, sincere and have new ideas to lead the country.

Q: Would you consider yourself as the third party or an alternative to the people?

A: Well, I don't want to be a political leader or someone who leads a party. I want my ideas to be spread to everyone in this country, so everybody can share my views.

Asri, 38, is now a lecturer at Universiti Sains Malaysia. Following his arrest, he was charged at the Gombak Timur Lower Syariah Court with teaching matters related to Islam without certification. He has claimed trial.

LUKA 17 TAHUN

Majalah ERA Muslim

Hari ini 6 Desember - 17 tahun yang lalu - menjadi hari yang sangat memilukan bagi kaum muslimin di India.

Masjid Babri kebanggaan mereka di Ayodhya harus hancur. Masjid Babri diruntuhkan oleh sekitar 150.000 orang dari kaum nasionalis Hindu ekstrimis pada tanggal 6 Desember 1992, dalam sebuah peristiwa yang sebelumnya sudah direncanakan, walaupun sebelumnya Mahkamah Agung India sudah melarang perusakan dan penghancuran masjid bersejarah itu.

Kaum ekstrimis Hindu yang didukung oleh partai nasionalis India - Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), dengan memprovokasi masyarakat hindu India menyatakan bahwa lokasi tempat berdirinya masjid Babri diyakini sebagai sebuah kuil Hindu yang dibangun untuk memperingati lahirnya Rama - yang merupakan inkarnasi dari dewa Wisnu dan penguasa Ayodhya yang kemudian dihancurkan oleh panglima perang Muslim Babur - Mir Baki. Sebuah klaim yang tidak didukung oleh fakta sejarah yang akurat.

Umat Islam India harus menangis, melihat masjid kebanggaan mereka harus hancur dalam sebuah penyerangan kaum ekstrimis Hindu tersebut. Masjid yang telah lama menjadi kebanggaan mereka - hancur dengan menyisahkan kepedihan yang mendalam bagi kaum Muslimin, tidak hanya muslimin India tetapi umat Islam di seluruh dunia.

Masjid Babri, atau Masjid Babur adalah sebuah masjid yang didirikan oleh Kaisar Mughal pertama India, Babur, di Ayodhya pada abad ke-16 Masehi. Sebelum tahun 1940-an, masjid ini dinamakan Masjid-i Janmasthan ("masjid tempat kelahiran"). Masjid ini berdiri di Bukit Ramkot (disebut juga Janmasthan ("tempat kelahiran").

Masjid Babri adalah salah satu masjid terbesar di Uttar Pradesh, sebuah negara bagian India yang memiliki populasi Muslim 31 juta orang. Walau ada beberapa masjid yang lebih tua di kota Ayodhya, sebuah daerah dengan populasi warga Muslim yang signifikan, termasuk Masjid Hazrat Bal yang didirikan oleh raja-raja Shariqi, Masjid Babri dianggap yang terbesar dikarenakan tempat berdirinya yang disengketakan.

Dalam bukletnya, Communal History and Rama's Ayodhya, Profesor Ram Sharan Sharma menuliskan, "Ayodhya tampaknya muncul sebagai tempat ziarah keagamaan pada masa kuno. Walaupun bab 85 Vishnu Smriti menuliskan daftar sebanyak 52 tempat ziarah, termasuk kota-kota, danau, sungai, gunung, dan sebagainya, Ayodhya tidak termasuk dari daftar ini." Sharma juga menyebutkan bahwa Tulsidas, yang menulis Ramcharitmanas pada tahun 1574 di Ayodhya, tidak menyebutkan tempat itu sebagai tempat ziarah. Setelah peruntuhan Masjid Babri, Profesor Ram Sharan Sharma bersama dengan sejarawan Suraj Bhan, M.Athar Ali dan Dwijendra Narayan Jha menuliskan pembahasan Historian's report to the nation tentang bagaimana rakyat memiliki pandangan yang salah bahwa di tempat tersebut dulunya dibangun kuil Hindu, juga tentang perlakuan perusakan yang dianggap vandalisme.

Konflik Berkepanjangan

Konflik kaum Muslimin di India dengan umat Hindu telah berlangsung sangat lama. Setidaknya kasus terakhir yang cukup menguras air mata kaum muslimin adalah pembantaian umat Islam India dalam kasus kerusuhan Gujarat pada tahun 2000 yang menelan sekitar 2500 orang umat Islam tewas terbantai dan sekitar 200.000 umat Islam Gujarat harus mengungsi.

Kerusuhan bermula ketika 59 peziarah Hindu tewas akibat kebakaran di sebuah kereta api yang pada awalnya dituduh dilakukan kelompok Muslim. Padahal, hasil penyelidikan kemudian menyimpulkan kebakaran itu tidak disengaja.

Pada insiden tersebut Umat Hindu melakukan pembalasan dengan membakar dan menjarah bisnis milik umat Islam, mereka juga menyerang dan membantai umat Islam, memperkosa dan memutilasi kaum Muslimah.

Dan perlu dicatat juga, otak dari pembantaian umat Islam Gujarat adalah Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) yang juga mengorganisir penghancuran masjid Babri di Ayodhya pada tahun 1992.